Posts Tagged ‘ Ira ’

News in Brief- McGuinness & Healy Rae Slip Up As C Word Banned From The Dàil

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So last week we were feeling optimistic, this week we find out burglary, extortion and hijacking offences are up 34 per cent. But murder is down! Hurrah! But let’s not dwell . . .

In an online report ’controversial’ politician Michael Healy-Rae has apparently called for rural dwellers to be allowed to own guns to protest themselves. No that wasn’t a typo by News in Brief. But presumably a rather large one online. Else the austerity protests are about to take a nasty turn. Read more

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Margaret Thatcher Dies Following Stroke At 87

Britain’s Iron Lady Margaret Thatcher has died after suffering a stroke at the age of 87.

Speaking to Sky News, spokesman and friend Lord Bell, who announced her death this morning, said: “We’ll never see the like of her again. She was one of the great prime ministers of all time and transformed people’s lives.”

He described the former prime minister, who served three terms in office between 179-1990, as the greatest leader of the Conservative Party with the exception of Winston Churchill.

Mrs Thatcher was the longest-serving British prime minister in the 20th century, holding office from 1979-1990 and in doing so she became the first conservative leader to emerge victorious from three successive elections. Read more

News in Brief-Vandals Graffiti Cork Graveyard As Dog Seatbelts Appear On The Agenda

It’s a horror filled News in Brief this week. Consider it a public service announcement, we’re all only minutes from death!

First, if your fit, not afraid of losing limbs and looking for work, NIB may have found the perfect position (haemophiliacs need not apply). If you’ve always wanted work that pushes you to the edge of your endurance Dublin City Council could be the place for you as new figures show the number of personal injury claims by staff while at work total €2.3m. Who knew life in public service could be so rough? 155 cases are still outstanding though employees often opt to stay at work during ongoing legal proceedings. Bless the brave souls of the city council. Read more

PSNI Arrest Suspect In McCartney Murder Probe

whymydaPolice in Northern Ireland have arrested a man in connection with the murder of father of two Robert McCartney in 2005.

PSNI detectives arrested the 51-year-old in Jonesborough in Armagh this morning and searched a property in the area. Read more

CIRA Threatens To Murder Irish Personnel Serving In British Forces

 

CIRAThe recrudescence of rioting factions and paramilitary groups in this country should be a concern for all. In recent weeks we have seen rioting in the North against the decision by councillors in Belfast to only occasionally fly the Union Flag. And in the same week Continuity IRA prisoners in Portlaoise prison made a statement stating that any Irish citizen that serves in the British military is a ‘legitimate target’ for their organisation. A planned Loyalist protest this week in Dublin was scrapped but only because it was hurried and not planned. The group was to ‘sarcastically’ call for Leinster House to lower the Irish flag in a reaction against the Belfast City Council’s decision to fly the Union flag on certain days of the year.

The rioters in the North have caused unpardonable infrastructural damage, injured and maimed many PSNI officers trying to keep peace and brought parts of Belfast to a standstill. There has not been a night this week in which some form of rioting has not occurred in the city of Belfast. PSNI  officers have been at the forefront of the mayhem and have been exemplary. Rioting thugs have burned out many vehicles in the city including a double-decker bus in the Rathcoole area of Newtownabbey and have single-handedly caused hundreds of thousands of pounds in damage. Reports also suggest that the thugs who have closed off roads in protest have refused access to local individuals trying to go about their business. A number of disgusting reports have come to light; a local GP being refused passage to get to a cancer patients house; an elderly man refused access to the area where he lived even though his terminally ill wife awaited his return; and other reports of thugs attacking random cars as they passed through their imposed blockades.

The situation in the North had been improving but the recent snag has suggested a return to high tensions between factions.

The other issue of concern regards Irish citizens serving in the British Armed Forces. In a disgusting statement from Continuity IRA inmates in Portlaoise prison it was said that such Irish citizens were targets for murder. Inmates stated that “The moment you don a British uniform you become a legitimate target for the IRA”. The outlawed organisation has never so directly incited the murder of Irish citizens but recent statistics have suggested a rise in the number of Irish citizens joining the British Armed Forces. The number is still relatively low; around 400 Irish citizens serve in the forces. Many of them have served overseas fighting the fanatical Jihadist group the Taliban but now face a threat when they return home to their own soil.

In December Gardai foiled a plot by the Continuity IRA to assassinate an Irishman serving in the British army while he was home for the Christmas period. The man was supposed to visit family in Limerick but was advised not to return home because of the serious threat to his life. The would-be murderers had befriended the man, who is in his 20’s, on Facebook months beforehand and had acquired a gun to carry out the assassination. The sinister development of the CIRA’s decision to actively seek to carry out such murders is one of major concern.

The British Ministry of Defence duly condemned the statement, “We condemn any threat of mindless violence against members of the British Armed Forces. We are committed to protecting them and all Irish personnel are being informed about this specific threat. The statement made by the Continuity IRA is a matter for the Garda Síochána”. Gardai are continuing to investigate the threats and warn any Irish citizen serving in the British Armed Forces to be aware of such a threat.

By Shuki Byrne

Exiled Ireland Star Attends Benefit Night For Murdered IRA Leader

Exiled Ireland striker Anthony Stokes has been pictured at a memorial party for a murdered Real IRA boss.

The 24 year-old Celtic player, who is currently out injured was snapped at the Dublin benefit night in honour of Alan Ryan, who was killed in a street execution in September.

The pair are said to have known each other for years through Ryan’s association with the Players Lounge Bar in Fairview, a bar owned by Stokes’ dad, John, who was also at the party at The Submarine Bar in Crumlin.

The photograph, which was first published in The Irish Sun, shows Celtic striker Stokes posing with his arm draped around a woman in a gold dress.

The Players Brigade, a republican band of which Stokes’ brother Michael is a former member played and sold a tribute CD featuring a song called The Ballad of Alan Ryan at the event.

The song includes the lyrics: “We vow to carry on his work/ we will follow in his lead/ we will find out where those gangsters lurk/ we will avenge their cowardly deed.”

Gardaì in Dublin said leading republican dissidents from both sides of the border were present, including a number suspected of involvement in the recent murder of Northern Ireland prison officer David Black.

Ryan, 32, was the leader of the Dublin brigade of the Real IRA and is believed to have been responsible for a number of murders in recent years.

He has strong links to John Stokes (54) whose bar has been at the centre of violence and controversy in the past with three men, including a doorman, gunned down outside the bar in July 2010.

John was ordered to remove a 40ft banner barring the Queen from his pub during her visit to Ireland last year.

In August last year, the pub was gutted in a fire allegedly started by robbers.

Gangland enforcer Ryan was gunned down outside his home in Dublin in September.

His killer fired six shots from a Glock handgun, hitting Ryan in the chest before blasting him twice in the head.

On the day of his funeral in Dublin, former Sunderland and Hibernian star Stokes tweeted “Thinking of you Alan…”

Stokes, his agent and Celtic have declined to comment on his attendance at the party.

Armed Robbers Still On The Run

Scene Of Crime : Bayside Shopping Centre

Gardai are still on the hunt for two men who raided a Dublin Post Office last Friday.

Two men, one of whom was armed, entered the post office at Bayside Shopping Centre and threatened the cashier.

The perpetrators, who were wearing balaclavas, escaped with an undisclosed sum of money.

This is not the first time the post office has been held up as a similar unsuccessful daylight raid took place in 2009. The robbery has led to local businesses taking preventative measures to combat theft.

The seriousness of the incident has added to growing worry in the area regarding crime. Last month’s murder of provisional IRA boss Alan Ryan in nearby Donaghmede has left the local community in a state of fear and sources suggest reprisal attacks may not be far away.

By Dean Ruxton

Remembering Michael Collins

August 22nd 1922, Béal na mBláth, County Cork. The escort carrying the Free State army Commander-in-Chief came under fire from Irregular troops. Instead of moving on or transferring their Chief to the armoured car they were ordered to stop and return fire. Michael Collins, who had fought alongside Padraig Pearse inside the GPO, who masterminded a successful intelligence war against Dublin Castle during the War of Independence, and who joined Arthur Griffith in negotiating the first ever treaty of peace between Ireland and England, was shot dead while exchanging rifle fire, killed by his fellow Irishmen before his time, before he could fulfil his vision for free Ireland.

We could certainly do with him today. In a time when Ireland has been humiliated financially and in many other ways, a charismatic figure like Collins, with his unearthly work ethic, financial acumen and a great love for his country to the point of self-sacrifice, would be of boundless help to us. Gone are the days when one’s life was put at risk for Ireland, now claiming expenses and trips abroad seem to be top of the list. Where one time Irish people risked imprisonment and death to participate in a once illegal Dáil Éireann, today they make excuses concerning why they cannot attend, and often find more ‘important’ things to be doing.

Collins was a man far ahead of his time, and certainly underappreciated by many of those who surrounded the Corkman. Confident to an extreme from a young age, he started work with Royal Mail, before moving to London in 1910 where he worked as a messenger for a company of stockbrokers. It was also in London the young Collins joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB). Collins’ financial abilities didn’t go unnoticed and he was soon put to work as financial advisor to Count Plunkett, father to one of the Rising’s organisers, Joseph Plunkett. And it was his shoulders, several years down the line, on which the burden of organisation of the National Loan fell, after he had been made finance minister in 1919. Despite the responsibility of running the war, maintaining his intelligence units and looking after his people and their families, all the time cheerfully evading the British who scoured the city and country looking for him, not one person gave money and didn’t receive a receipt. Collins had a sharp eye for detail and a dislike of wasting energy, a moment not spent doing something constructive was a moment ill spent in his book.

And unlike many politicians today it sometimes seems, Collins understood the need for both the support of the nation and its people, and the importance of allowing the populace to make the most important decisions. Without the monetary support of Irish people at home and abroad, the loan would never have come into existence and the IRA would have been armed with hurleys and a prayer. And for the flying columns whose job it was to strike the enemy quickly and melt back into the countryside, the support of the locals was of far more importance than anything else – locals who fed and sheltered them from the British army and a certain death. Following the ratification of the Treaty in the Dáil, Collins was adamant that the people must be the ones to decide on its acceptance or dismissal, and would follow them either way. They accepted it, as did he, though many didn’t, and thus began the Civil War as the Dáil and the IRA split in two, and the rest, as they say, is history.

There is plenty more that could be said about Collins, his activities and his personality. I could talk and write for hours about his victories, his plans, his friendships and enemies and his dreams for Ireland. But many pages in many books have already been devoted to those topics. So all I will say is this – Michael Collins, you are sorely missed.

A History of Bigotry – Should Orangemen March Through Dublin?

In a way, the predicament of the Northern Ireland Parades Commission each July is one that can be sympathised with, in a limited manner. On one hand they have the mobs of loyal Orangemen demanding they be allowed to forcefully remind those pesky Catholics how a Dutch king once beat an English king ensuring Scottish settlers would remain on the lands of dispossessed Irish Catholics. On the other hand lies the genuine Nationalist/Catholic complaints which arise over said Orange triumphalists needing to march and wave their banners through Catholic streets, something which often seems like a move to fulfil some errant craving for attention. Who do they favour? As of now, the Orange march routes which apparently exist solely to bait Nationalists and Catholics routinely set off riots and fights each twelfth of July. This year was no different, as Orange marches through the predominantly Catholic area of Ardoyne in Belfast ended in what has been called a “night of serious rioting,” with the usual violence and arrests on both sides of the coin. Chairman of the Commission, Peter Osborne, has attempted to shift the blame. Speaking to BBC Radio Ulster, he said “It is complete and utter nonsense to blame the Parades Commission for the violence last night. There has been violence in this location for many, many years now. It is time for politicians to take ownership of contentious parades… that’s the way forward.”

But really the solution lies at the feet of the Orange Order. Sinn Féin and the IRA were often criticised for failing to do their bit in helping to heal the rift in the Northern part of Ireland, and now the Orangemen must take some blame. Controversy has followed the Order since its inception. Founded in 1795 the new organisation took a leaf from the Peep-O-Day Boy’s book – a Protestant and sectarian group which often clashed with their Catholic rivals, the Defenders. The aim was the suppression of Irish nationalism and Catholicism and the upholding of the Protestant Ascendancy (the political, economic and social domination of Ireland by members of the Protestant faith). By the time the Order came into existence, the United Irishmen, who were still led at this point by mainly Protestants, had morphed into an organisation seeking an Irish republic, one in which Catholic, Protestant and dissenter alike could find freedom. Several historians have argued that in an attempt to thwart such aims, the government backed the Orangemen and promoted sectarian feelings. And, when in 1798 the United Irishmen rebelled, both the Orange Order and the Peep-O-Day Boys were among those who aided the government in suppressing the insurrection.

And since its early days, the sectarian nature of the organisation hasn’t changed. Following a revival in the 19th century, they were instrumental in the formation of the Ulster Unionist Party and were influential in organising constant opposition to Home Rule for Ireland, including the famed Ulster Covenant, in which 500,000 people pledged themselves against such a move. Early armed Orange militias were gathered into a central organisation which became known as the Ulster Volunteer Force and since 1921 and the creation of the Irish Free State, the Order has been influential and often central to Northern Ireland. From 1921 to 1969, every single Prime Minister of Northern Ireland was a member of the Order, ensuring that the state would remain for decades a Protestant state, and an Orange state, keeping Catholic citizens in the second class. During the Troubles the Order once again showed its usefulness, encouraging many members to join Northern security forces, while others opted for Loyalist paramilitary groups, although officially, the organisation had a fractious relationship with these groups. Around 300 Order members were killed during those thirty odd years. Orangemen were often found in possession of weapons or documents likely to be used in acts of terrorism while bands hired to play during marches have previously and openly declared support for Loyalist paramilitary groups. In recent years the Order has still attempted to exercise influence amongst unionists, holding talks with both the DUP and the UUP in an attempt to unite the two parties before a recent general election in the province. Grand Master Robert Saulters has openly called for a single unionist party in the North so as to maintain the union with Britain.

The order’s anti-Catholicism is clear as day; members must be of the Protestant faith, Catholics are banned from holding membership. In previous years such a ban was clearly stated against Roman Catholics, nowadays the various laws require vaguer wording. In particular the Grand Master quite recently referred to the oppositional dissident republicans as the “Roman Catholic IRA”, something which isn’t so surprising when issued from the mouth of the Orange Order, who have, since the beginning, attempted to link Catholicism with nationalism and the enemy, in an attempt to unite unionism and promote and promulgate sectarian feelings. Some have attempted to draw links between the Order and the American Ku Klux Klan. Though former Grand Master Martin Smyth rejected such comparisons, writer and historian Tim Pat Coogan argued that in America, the Order manifested itself in the form of the Know Nothings (a xenophobic and anti-Catholic organisation during the 1850s) as well as the KKK, with whom they share an extreme bias towards Roman Catholicism and somewhat exotic leadership titles.

Perhaps even more well-known than their anti-Catholic stance and attempts to unite Protestant Northern Ireland against Roman Catholicism is their incessant marching practices each July and in particular, the Twelfth. This, more than anything, has been the cause of troubles over the past several decades, troubles which so easily could be avoided. The Order insists on marching through Nationalist areas, such as Ardoyne, despite the hassle and grief it causes. Memories take a while to fade, and many people still remember the violence the Order sparked each year with their insistence on rubbing the memory of William of Orange in Catholic and Nationalist faces, like a spoilt child waving a fistful of sweets at a deprived neighbour. And despite their attempts to maintain a dignified stance, the Order is well able to toss their toys from the pram if they don’t get their way. In 1998, the first year the authorities dared challenge their power and rerouted the march, protests erupted. Orange followers set fire to a Catholic house in Ballymoney, Co. Antrim, in which three little boys were burned alive. The thunderous banging of the drums long served to ignite fear in anyone who stood against them, while their marching through rival streets highlighted how their kind held the power, and they could do what they liked. Would a Republican march bearing IRA banners and shouting anti-Protestant slogans through the Shankhill Road receive Unionist support? I think not. Double standards are at play here, as the Orangemen desperately attempt to cling onto the six counties in which they once ruled as they desired.

While this may appear as an entirely one sided diatribe against the Orange Order and its Loyalist ways, it doesn’t forget the other side which can often be guilty of anti-Protestant sentiment. A war waged solely partly based on the two opposing religions, as nationalism has boasted quite a few supporters over the centuries, while not all Catholics are in favour of splitting with Britain. Nationalist and republican history may indeed boast quite a few scholars but precious few saints. But while republicanism in the form of dissident republicans fighting a war which ended years ago can be criticised, and rightly so, so too can the other side of the coin. Because the Orangemen are not exactly doing their part in easing tensions between the opposing peoples. Quite recently, the Order addressed the Irish senate, seeking a second shot at an Orange parade through the streets of Dublin. One might remember the clashes that occurred the last time the Order attempted the Love Ulster parade. Much of the violence was instigated by thugs with precious little knowledge of our history and driven by a mindless desire to hurt and break, but those genuine protestors had genuine reasons, similar to anyone who might protest should the KKK or Westboro Baptist Church come to town. Perhaps one day in the future, when the Order forsakes its long held tradition of sectarianism and triumphalism, and finally shakes off its links with a Protestant Ascendancy and Loyalist thuggery, then they might walk through our streets without fear of disruption. Until then, our roads have no place for ancient bigotry – from either side.

McConville Case Still Resonates Within Northern Ireland

An interesting showdown, with potentially important ramifications for both journalism and academia, has been slowly unfolding over the course of several months, involving a journalist in the middle, paramilitary soldiers seeking to tell the truth on one side and the PSNI and the families of the so-called ‘disappeared’ on the other.

The controversy circles an academic historical endeavour known as the ‘Belfast Project’, conducted by Boston College, whose aim is to create an oral history of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, a history which would offer a much more frank and realistic view of the conflict, from both sides of the coin. Paramilitary volunteers from either side were interviewed for the large scale project. None of the Republican interviews, however, were authorised by the IRA. In fact, the only reason they were given by the participants was on the condition that they be released only after their deaths. Understandably this was because the IRA was and is very secretive and controlling, and those interviewed revealed operational secrets, the IRA’s methods and often criticised key decisions and people within the organisation. At present, the interviews are kept under lock and key at the college. However, on July 6th the first circuit court of appeal ruled that the College and Ed Moloney, the journalist in charge of the project, didn’t have the right to promise to withhold the information they were given, and have ordered that information be turned over to the PSNI by next month. This test case has brought out academics and journalists decrying the court’s decision, proclaiming source protection as sacred. The National Union of Journalists in particular, which is a joint British-Irish organization, has condemned the ruling. General Secretary Michelle Stanistreet has argued that the ruling has “significant implications” for academic and journalistic research, while others have criticised the College for not acting like other journalists and protecting their sources to the point of going to prison.

One of the main reasons the PSNI want to get their hands on this treasure trove of information is to help them discover what happened to certain people during the conflict, a collective known as the ‘disappeared.’ This is the name that has been given to sixteen people who vanished during the Troubles at the hands of the IRA, believed to have been abducted and killed, then buried in shallow graves. In 1999, the IRA admitted to killing nine of the victims on that list, and gave up the burial sites, although only three were found at that time. Since then, a further four bodies have been recovered. The most infamous of these cases was that of young mother, Jean McConville, whose body was finally discovered in 2003 by a family out on a walk, a mile from the location the IRA had given for her grave. McConville was born into a Protestant family in East Belfast though converted to Catholicism when she married her husband, Arthur. One of her sons, Robbie, was in Long Kesh for Official IRA related activities although he defected to the INLA in 1974. In December of 1972, she was abducted from her home by 12 members of the IRA, men and women, and killed by a single bullet to the back of the head, her remains buried on a nearby beach. The IRA refused to admit responsibility for many years, and then claimed that McConville had been a British spy, passing information on local republicans to British security forces through a radio transmitter. Her children have consistently rejected this claim, and have repeatedly called on the IRA to clear their mother’s name. An official investigation revealed no evidence to prove the IRA’s claims. Enter Boston College and their Belfast Project. One of those believed to be have been interviewed, Dolours Price, could reveal she was part of the murder as the driver of the car which took McConville to her death, and more importantly, the role of Gerry Adams in all of this. Such allegations concerning Adams are nothing new. In Voices from the Grave, based on two interviews from the Boston project, former IRA operative Brendan Hughes said as much of Adam’s role, claiming that it was Adams who established the IRA unit which killed McConville, and he who gave the order for her secret burial, to avoid the negative publicity surrounding the murder of a women and the orphaning of her children.

But the families of those disappeared by the IRA during the Troubles aren’t the only ones who could be affected by the court’s ruling. Those still living ex-IRA members and their families could be in for trouble should their testimonies reach the light of day. Carol Twomey, wife of Anthony McIntyre (former IRA gunman who conducted the interviews) believes that her husband and other ex-IRA men will risk being killed should the interviews be handed over, and used to secure prosecutions. Retribution, she argues, is a very real fear for men who have been branded by some as ‘touts’ for revealing IRA secrets.

Then of course there’s the impact on Northern Ireland and the peace process to be considered. The country may be at peace but nobody can deny it isn’t somewhat shaky. If Hughes’ allegations are confirmed by a second IRA member’s testimony, given in the knowledge it wouldn’t be revealed until after her death, what does this do for the stability of Northern Ireland and its government, bearing in mind that Gerry Adams always shrugs off accusations of IRA membership, and leadership. It’s hard to predict the reaction from the Republican camp. A Northern Irish government which is dependent on its members possible past criminal lives being ignored isn’t exactly a solid foundation in the first place. But it has worked thus far. And an appeal is already in the works. Several prominent politicians in America, including the former presidential candidate John Kerry have lobbied for the interviews to remain sealed. It just might stick and it could be years before the Boston tapes see the light of day, and all those involved are dead and buried, and a new generation will have to deal with the mistakes of their forbearers.

So, to reveal or not to reveal? Do we make an attempt to forget our past in the interest of the future or do we strive to excise all of its demons. It’s a tricky one. How do you decide which is more important – the need for truth and closure on the part of Jean McConville’s family, and any others who might have something new to learn about the disappearance of their loved ones or the fact that to reveal the identities of any former IRA members who participated in the Boston project is to pass a very possible death sentence on them. Some might argue that death is what they deserve for the activities they and their Loyalist counterparts were involved in during the Troubles but to essentially have them killed makes us no better than what they are and were. The truth shall set you free, it has been said. But in this case, perhaps it might just do more harm than good. Should Gerry Adams be finally proven to be an utter liar, should he be proven to have been in the IRA command when he said he wasn’t, such a thing wouldn’t be a terrible event by any stretch of the imagination. But if Boston College can be forced into giving up these precious oral histories of such an important and tragic part of our history, where does it stop? So many hidden histories, so many stories are dependent on the assurance that can be provided by the interviewer that the identity of their source will be protected at all costs. So who in their right mind would ever again trust a journalist or in particular an academic into telling their story?

No, let sleeping dogs lie, as they say. Wait until those involved are dead and gone. With any luck, Gerry Adams and co will still be alive when that time comes. If not, then we can see the contents of that historical treasure trove for ourselves, and history can be the judge of it all.

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